Fundamentally, the discussion of the character of the polis is complicated by the fact that precisely that city about which we know by far the most with regard to the Classical period (c. 500 to 330 BC), Athens, seems to have been an exception in many respects. Only in recent years, thanks largely to epigraphy, is our knowledge of other poleis, that is, the "third Greece" beyond Athens and Sparta, growing. Nevertheless, the political development of many poleis often seems to have followed a common pattern: since the Homeric epics and the beginning of the archaic period of Greece, the poleis were often ruled by a large landowning aristocracy. This soon met with resistance from non-noble strata of the demos, especially as the gap between rich and poor evidently widened after the advent of the money economy and the accumulation of profits it made possible. The acute crisis of the aristocratic polity, which often erupted in civil wars (staseis), was in any case exploited by individual aristocrats who, from the middle of the 7th century BC, placed themselves at the head of various poleis as tyrants. Initially, "tyrannis" was still a largely neutral term for individual rule; however, as Solon's criticism in Athens around 570 B.C. shows, at that time it already slowly acquired the same negative meaning that we can still grasp today in the modern term of tyranny and that became generally accepted from the 5th century onwards.
Regardless of the appearance of tyrants, the institutionalization of the polis, at least in Athens around 600 BC at the latest, was already so far advanced that it was conceived as a politically acting subject and the citizenry as a unit. The three organs of state developed, which were ultimately typical of all poleis, albeit in very different forms: People's Assembly, Council and Magistrates.
At the end of this process there was usually a constitution in which all wealthy citizens capable of serving as heavy-armed men (hoplites) were recognized as politically entitled citizens with equal active and passive voting rights (the latter graded according to the amount of agricultural income, but no longer tied to noble birth) and political tasks were discussed in council bodies (bulé), decided in a people's assembly (ekklesía) by a majority of votes, and carried out by annually changing officials. If the mass of poorer peasants and the landless (thetes), who performed military service as lightly armed men, also participated at least with active voting rights in the votes in the people's assembly and in the people's court, as in Athens after Solon's reforms in 594/93 B.C., this constitution is defined according to Aristotle's criteria as a "democracy" "tempered" by oligarchic and aristocratic elements. The most important characteristic of a truly democratic order was the drawing of lots for most offices; if, on the other hand, elections were held, this was considered an indication of an oligarchic constitution.
Due to the extraordinary circumstances of the Persian Wars, Athens developed from a land power to a sea power, in which the Thetes provided the bulk of the rowers and, with their military prowess in the naval battle of Salamis in 480 BC. and the expeditions of the Delish-Attic League, founded in 478/77, the Athenians strengthened their political consciousness to such an extent that from 462/61, with the reforms of Ephialtes and Pericles, the moderate democracy in Athens changed into the so-called radical democracy with the disempowerment of the Areopagus and the granting of the passive right to vote to the Thetes.
With the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, the world of the Greek polis was increasingly plunged into an existential crisis. The striving for hegemony of the larger city-states resulted in a century of almost permanent wars. Attempts to reach a lasting peace solution on the basis of a koiné eiréne, a general peace, while preserving the respective autonomy, failed several times in the first half of the 4th century BC. In the end, all the poleis had to submit first to Macedonian, then to Roman domination. However, the poleis continued to exist in Hellenistic and Roman times with their characteristic institutions and were able to enjoy a certain local autonomy and freedom, admittedly under the direct or indirect control of a king or the Roman governor and later the princeps. In recent research, early Hellenism in particular is even regarded as the heyday of the polis. An indication of the continuing relevance of the cities for the everyday life of their citizens is the fact that between Alexander and Augustus there were still frequent staseis, i.e. civil wars over the control of the polis.
The emerging Christianity found its first missionary centers in these old urban centers in the eastern Imperium Romanum. However, membership in the most important bodies, especially the city council, had become hereditary by the 2nd century AD at the latest, which meant that the old democratic tradition in the poleis had definitely come to an end.