See also: Prehistory of the Second World War in Europe
National Socialist goals
→ Main article: Hitler's "Eastern Program
The German-Soviet War can be traced back essentially to the ideological-political goals of National Socialism, which saw itself as a radical ideological antithesis to Bolshevism. In his programmatic pamphlet Mein Kampf (1925), Hitler regarded Bolshevism as a tyranny of an alleged "world Jewry" aimed at world conquest. Its annihilation and the subjugation of the allegedly dependent, "racially inferior" Slavs were inevitable in order to provide the German "Aryans" with the "living space in the East" to which they were entitled. To conquer this was a main goal of Nazi foreign policy.
The intended conquest of large parts of Eastern Europe was indeed linked to older goals of the traditionally anti-communist military elites of the Kaiserreich and the Weimar Republic; the necessary rearmament, the breaking of the Treaty of Versailles and the withdrawal from the League of Nations were also largely consensual in the Reichswehr already around 1930. The German military, however, was essentially concerned with revising the results of the First World War. However, the Lebensraum policy of the Nazi leadership, based on pure racism, and its intention to destroy the Soviet Union as a state and at the same time its actual or presumed elites, went far beyond these earlier goals.
Hitler's foreign policy from 1933 initially put his long-term goal of conquest on the back burner. However, his speech to the highest representatives of the Reichswehr on February 3, 1933, already hinted at it (see Liebmann recording). He later emphasized it again and again to the Wehrmacht leadership, for example during the Sudeten crisis. The Nazi regime's goals of mass extermination and Germanization became apparent during the invasion of Poland, in which specially established Einsatzgruppen carried out massacres of members of the ruling elite and of Jews, some of which had been coordinated with the Wehrmacht leadership. These specifically Nazi extermination goals were to achieve a determining, "never-before-seen dimension" for the planning and conduct of the war against the Soviet Union, which distinguished it from all previous wars, including those of the Nazi regime.
According to Hans-Erich Volkmann, Hitler was also concerned with the achievement of world domination for which he needed the Soviet raw materials as a foundation for a self-sufficient and unassailable Europe. On September 17/18, 1941, Hitler expressed this during a conversation at the Führer's headquarters:
"The struggle for hegemony in the world is decided for Europe by the possession of Russian space; it makes Europe the most blockade-proof place in the world."
German-Soviet relations from 1939
In the "Great Terror" of 1936 to 1938, Soviet dictator Josef Stalin had thousands of war-experienced Soviet generals and officers murdered, greatly weakening the Red Army. Since the Munich Agreement of October 1938, he had been convinced that the Western powers would not offer any significant resistance to Nazi Germany and were trying to pressure the Soviet Union into a war that they themselves did not want to fight. As a result, he made a turn in Soviet foreign policy and sought a reconciliation of interests with the German Reich.
The Nazi regime was willing to acknowledge Soviet expansionist interests in Eastern Europe in order to "push Britain off the Continent," to be able to "wage the invasion of Poland as a war on a single front," and to "have room on its back for the later turn to the West," "which in turn was envisaged as a pre-switch event of the Lebensraum War."
With a credit agreement of August 20, 1939, both states agreed on Soviet deliveries of food and raw materials to Germany in exchange for German industrial and armaments goods to the Soviet Union. This was followed on August 23, 1939, by the German-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact ("Hitler-Stalin Pact") with a secret additional protocol in which the contracting parties delimited their mutual spheres of interest in Eastern Europe. The central point of the protocol provided for the fourth partition of Poland and assigned Estonia, Latvia, Finland, eastern Poland and Romanian Bessarabia to the Soviet sphere of interest.
On September 1, 1939, the German invasion of Poland triggered World War II. For its part, the Soviet Union occupied eastern Poland and later Lithuania from September 17, 1939, in accordance with the secret additional protocol, for which it exchanged parts of Poland to the German occupiers. In addition, at the end of September 1939, it concluded a border and friendship treaty with Germany, which was to regulate the final course of its borders.
In the following months, the Soviet Union, with the acquiescence and support of the German Reich, pursued a policy of expansion within the zone of influence granted to it by the Hitler-Stalin Pact. It exerted pressure on several neighboring states with the aim of regaining territories that had belonged to tsarist Russia until 1917/18. Finland opposed this policy during the Winter War (1939/40), during which the weakness of the Red Army became apparent. Although the Soviet Union was able to annex large parts of Karelia, it had to continue to recognize Finland's state independence. In contrast, the Red Army occupied Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania without a fight in mid-June 1940. Under the pretext that the mutual assistance pacts concluded the previous year were in jeopardy, the Soviet Union declared these countries to be union republics. With the occupation of Bessarabia by Soviet troops on June 28, 1940, their expansion ended for the time being.
Stalin and his generals had originally assumed that Germany would be involved in a protracted war with the Western powers and that they would have enough time to prepare the Red Army for a possible conflict. However, the rapid victory of the Wehrmacht in the Western campaign over France (1940) had dashed these hopes. Stalin responded to the new situation with two fundamental decisions: First, he wanted to maintain the alliance with Germany at all costs and not provoke Hitler to war. Second, he tried to improve the Soviet Union's strategic position by exerting further pressure on neighboring states. Thus, beyond the territories of Bessarabia conceded in the Hitler-Stalin Pact, the Red Army occupied northern Bukovina and the Herza region. In addition, Stalin proposed a Baltic-style mutual assistance pact to Bulgaria (see History of Bulgaria). This created tensions with Germany.
At that time, however, Hitler had long since decided to go to war against the Soviet Union. As early as September 4, 1936, Hermann Göring explained Hitler's August memorandum on the Four-Year Plan to the cabinet. It served the political objective of crushing the Soviet Union with a war of aggression in the inevitable confrontation with it. Victory in the East was to make Germany economically self-sufficient on the Continent and a British naval blockade, as had existed in World War I, ineffective. Beginning on June 2, 1940, Hitler had communicated to confidants in the Army High Command (OKH) his thoughts for an attack on the Soviet Union. On July 29, 1940, Alfred Jodl, chief of the Wehrmacht Joint Staff, informed his staff of Hitler's decision to "[...] eliminate the danger of Bolshevism once and for all at the earliest possible moment by a surprise invasion of Soviet Russia." On July 31, 1940, Hitler informed the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht (OKW) of his decision to attack and ordered operational preparations for war. He now justified the two-front war, notwithstanding Soviet treaty loyalty, on the basis of the alleged danger that unconquered Britain might ally with the Soviet Union and thus use it as a "continental sword" against Germany. He had the Norwegian-Finnish border fortified, concluded a transit agreement with Finland, and sent so-called training troops to Romania. In addition, Germany and Italy guaranteed the Romanian borders. In return, Stalin had a Romanian group of islands in the mouth of the Danube and the strategically important Snake Island offshore occupied.
On November 12, 1940, Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov visited Berlin at the invitation of the German government to discuss the Soviet Union's possible entry into the Three-Power Pact. Hitler ordered the OKW on the same day to continue attack preparations as planned regardless of the outcome of the scheduled talks with Molotov. Molotov made accession conditional on concessions such as increased Soviet influence in Hungary, Yugoslavia, Greece, and Turkey, and further concessions in Finland and Romania. Moreover, in a note of November 25, 1940, the Soviet Union demanded that Japan cede to it the mining concessions on northern Sakhalin. Despite several requests, Hitler did not reply to this note. Neither did he want to see the Finnish nickel area and the Romanian petroleum area within reach of the Soviet Union, nor did he want to persuade the Japanese to give up their naphtha and coal mines. Today, however, historians assume that for Hitler's policy "Soviet behavior at best gave occasions and pretexts for the about-turn, but did not cause it."
In particular, Hitler rejected Molotov's instructed demand for further concessions regarding Finland's neutrality. This was interpreted by the Red Army leadership, which at the time was planning a further occupation of Finland, as Hitler's plan for war. Stalin, however, did not change his policy toward Germany: in January 1941, the Soviet Union concluded an agreement with Germany on the continued supply of raw materials for armaments. A conversion to a war economy was omitted. Because of the economic and strategic advantages for both sides from this agreement, Stalin assumed that Hitler also wanted to maintain the status quo for the time being. His expansive Balkan policy and the Japanese-Soviet neutrality pact concluded on April 13, 1941, were to give the Soviet Union enough time for increased rearmament.
German war planning
Instruction No. 21
Following Hitler's announcement of his decision to go to war on July 31, 1940, the OKW, OKH, and OKM began strategic war planning and each had independent attack studies prepared, which were consolidated beginning on September 3 and presented to Hitler on December 5. On December 18, 1940, Hitler, as "Führer and Supreme Commander of the Wehrmacht," issued Directive No. 21 to the Wehrmacht Leadership Staff in the Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht (OKW): with it, he ordered the high commands of the three Wehrmacht branches to prepare the attack on the Soviet Union in a targeted manner by May 1941 in order to "also defeat Soviet Russia in a rapid campaign (Fall Barbarossa) before the end of the war against England." The objective was to "destroy the mass of the Russian army standing in western Russia" and to reach a line from which the air forces of the Soviet Union could no longer attack German territory. The ultimate objective of the operation was to "shield against Asiatic Russia on the general line Volga-Arkhangelsk," that is, to occupy most of the European Soviet Union.
Conquest strategy
Unlike the Western campaign, Hitler and the Wehrmacht leadership largely agreed on the strategy and objectives of this war. The operational attack plans of the three Wehrmacht components drawn up by then envisaged a chain of encircling movements and encirclement battles aimed at destroying the Red Army. While Walther von Brauchitsch and Franz Halder mainly wanted to advance directly on Moscow, however, Hitler ordered in his Directive No. 21 that the "center of the total front should only create conditions for turning fast troops into Leningrad and the Donets Basin." Hitler wanted to reach the targeted line in a blitzkrieg of up to 22 weeks; General Erich Marcks calculated only up to 17 weeks. Fast units were to make wedge-shaped breaches in the Red Army defenses, cutting them off from rearward communications and preventing their formations from evading; marching units were to encircle them. After that, the motorized forces were to push further east.
The German Eastern Army was divided into three army groups:
- Army Group North (Leeb) with the 16th Army (Busch), Panzer Group 4 (Hoepner) and the 18th Army (Küchler).
- Army Group Center (Bock) with 4th Army (Kluge), Panzer Group 2 (Guderian), Panzer Group 3 (Hoth), 9th Army (Strauss) and 2nd Army (Weichs).
- Army Group South (Rundstedt) with 17th Army (Stülpnagel), Panzer Group 1 (Kleist), 6th Army (Reichenau) and 11th Army (Schobert).
- from Northern Norway, which was already occupied at the time, and from Northern Finland, two corps of the Army High Command Norway (Falkenhorst).
The Luftwaffe competed with four air fleets, each of which operated within the area of an Army Group but was independent:
- Luftflotte 1 (Keller; area of Army Group North)
- Luftflotte 2 (Kesselring; area of Heeresgruppe Mitte)
- Luftflotte 4 (Löhr; area of Army Group South)
- Air Fleet 5 (Stumpff; units stationed in northern Finland and northern Norway only).
Attacks against the Soviet Union were also to be launched from Norway. They were aimed in particular at Murmansk and the railroad connection there, the Murman Railway, through which British and U.S. aid supplies later reached the Soviet Union. Several ventures in the direction of Murmansk ("Unternehmen Silberfuchs", "Platinum Fox") and on the Murman Railway ("Unternehmen Polarfuchs") were unsuccessful. This was due on the one hand to the extreme climatic conditions, the long polar night and the pathless tundra terrain, and on the other hand to the weak German forces here.
The six-week Balkan campaign, which began in April 1941, delayed the scheduled attack date by a month, although military leaders also believed it would improve the initial chances for the German invasion of the Soviet Union. Despite the delay, the Wehrmacht leadership planned to achieve decisive victories before the onset of Rasputitsa, the so-called "mud season," and to complete the campaign by the onset of winter. About 50 to 60 occupying divisions were to remain in the country; only for them was special clothing adapted to the Russian winter planned.
Extermination plans and murder orders
After the strategic war planning of the Wehrmacht, it entered its concrete operational phase in the spring of 1941. Now its tasks were coordinated with those of the SS, which had been expanded into a parallel army in some areas from 1941, and various police forces for the areas to be conquered.
On March 13, 1941, Hitler issued the directives on special areas to the directive Barbarossa: With this, he assigned Heinrich Himmler, since 1934 the "Reichsführer SS", special powers for "special tasks on behalf of the Fuehrer, which result from the final struggle to be fought between two opposing political systems". For this purpose, the Reich Security Main Office set up four so-called Einsatzgruppen. According to Hitler's guidelines, they were to murder all "suspicious" and "other radical elements" as well as "Jews in party and state positions." Heydrich specified Hitler's murder order with secret orders to the leaders of the Einsatzgruppen to incite pogroms against Jews by the local population.
On March 30, 1941, Hitler proclaimed before 250 Wehrmacht generals the coming war as a "struggle of two world views against each other" and a "war of annihilation." He called for the "annihilation of the Bolshevik commissars and the communist intelligentsia." This intention and demand flowed into some orders of the OKW and OKH for the coming war.
According to the decree on the exercise of wartime jurisdiction in the Barbarossa area of May 13, 1941, crimes committed by members of the Wehrmacht against civilians no longer had to be prosecuted. The decree freed Wehrmacht soldiers from ties to international law norms and encouraged arbitrary and violent acts against the Soviet population. The Guidelines for the Conduct of Troops in Russia of May 19, 1941, required troops to "ruthlessly and vigorously crack down on Bolshevik agitators, free agents, saboteurs, Jews." The Guidelines for the Treatment of Political Commissars of June 6, 1941, ordered the Wehrmacht to "in principle finish off political commissars immediately at gunpoint." The Prisoner of War Regulations of June 16, 1941, called for "ruthless and vigorous crackdowns on the slightest signs of recalcitrance, especially against Bolshevik agitators." Accordingly, the Ten Commandments for the conduct of war by the German soldier, which were pasted into the covers of every pay book and forbade inappropriate cruelty or conduct contrary to international law, were suspended. After the war began, some of the murder orders were further tightened or their scope expanded. For example, on July 2, 1941, Reinhard Heydrich ordered the "Higher SS and Police Leaders" to implement the Commissar Order of June 6 as follows: "To be executed are all functionaries of the Comintern (as well as, in general, Communist professional politicians par excellence), the higher, middle, and radical lower functionaries of the Party, the Central Committees, the Gau and Area Committees, People's Commissars, Jews in Party and state positions."
With these criminal orders, the Nazi regime prepared the German-Soviet War as a war of extermination. OKW and OKH passed on the orders to lower officer ranks; objection of the recipients against it was missing. Thus, the Wehrmacht allowed itself to be integrated into Hitler's Lebensraum program. Specialized historians explain this with the anti-Semitic, racist, anti-Bolshevik and anti-Slavic character of the German officer corps, which blamed the November Revolution of 1918 on Jews and communists, equating them, the long-standing Führer cult, imperialist goals and hubris after the Western campaign. Hitler's war aims and those of the Wehrmacht leadership largely coincided: for example, some leading generals envisaged the goal of crushing the Soviet Union and exploiting its territory for economic "autarky" for Germany even before Hitler's decision to go to war on July 31, 1940. In March 1941, therefore, they also endorsed the deemed necessary task of breaking expected Soviet resistance through terror in order to "create calm in the rear of the front" and regarded Einsatzgruppen set up for this purpose as a relief.
Wehrmacht logisticians calculated that German units could be supplied only to a line along Pskov, Kiev, and the Crimea. Since Hitler demanded the conquest of Moscow in the course of a single uninterrupted campaign, the Wehrmacht was to be supplied by the ruthless requisitioning of food and material essential to the war effort from the areas to be conquered. Because an annual requirement of five million tons of grain from the USSR was calculated to secure the food supply of the German Reich, whereas in 1940 the USSR had been able to supply only 1.5 million tons on a commercial basis, Göring's Four-Year Plan authorities planned before the invasion to exploit the largest possible quantities of grain, meat, and potatoes by deliberately undersupplying the Soviet population. The entire Wehrmacht was to be fed by "extracting from the country what is necessary for us"; in the process, it was calculated that "undoubtedly tens of millions of people would starve to death." In this starvation policy, the Nazi regime combined war-economy considerations of utility with racist motives. Christian Gerlach sees this as a starvation plan; other historians deny a decided plan and speak of a "hunger calculation." Based on the relevant documents, most historians see no contradiction in this. Eastern European historian Hans-Heinrich Nolte estimates seven million starvation deaths among a total of 26 to 27 million Soviet war dead; he takes Russian research into account. Yale historian Timothy Snyder cites 4.2 million Soviet famine deaths in Wehrmacht-occupied territories.
In addition, Himmler had initiated comprehensive plans for the deportation ("resettlement") of "Slavs" by the millions and the subsequent "Germanization" of conquered territories from September 1939 and had begun to implement them in Poland, with tens of thousands of the deportees already dying. These plans were enormously expanded from 1941 and integrated into a "General Plan East". This planned to shift the German "Volkstumgrenze" almost 1000 km to the east, to expel the majority of the Soviet citizens living there, initially estimated at 30, in 1942 up to 65 million, behind the Ural Mountains or to Siberia and to use some hundred thousand "Slavic subhumans" as labor slaves for the construction of "defense settlements" for "Teutons" or "ethnic Germans".
Role and goals of allied states
The Nazi regime considered Finland and Romania as "natural allies" because of their recent conflicts with the Soviet Union and did not conclude formal agreements with these states for a wartime coalition. They were informed in advance about the planned attack so that they could prepare their troop deployment.
Finland under Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim wanted to regain the territories lost in the Winter War. It closed in on the border with an army on both sides of Lake Ladoga and granted German troops stationing rights in northern Finland.
At the beginning of the German campaign, Romania under Marshal Ion Antonescu was the most important ally in terms of numbers and at the same time probably the one most motivated to join forces. It participated in the Eastern campaign on June 22 with 325,685 men and 207 aircraft. The clear goal of the Romanian leadership was to regain the territories annexed by the Soviet Union in 1940, although Romanian occupation desires beyond this also played a role. Antonescu was the only foreign head of government to be personally informed of the impending attack at a meeting with Hitler in Munich on June 11-12, 1941. The Romanian 3rd and 4th Armies were moved to the country's eastern border to join the German 11th Army in attacking the southern Soviet Union and retaking Soviet-occupied Bessarabia. From the Romanian territory, the German "Einsatzgruppe D" began exterminating Jews.
Italy declared war on the Soviet Union on June 23, although there had been diplomatic overtures between the two countries in the months before. Negotiations, however, had been repeatedly disrupted by German intervention, and the German attack on the Soviet Union sealed their end. Benito Mussolini sent an expeditionary force of 62,000 men, 220 guns, and 83 aircraft. Hungary, on the initiative of its imperial administrator Miklós Horthy, sent two corps with 45,000 men, including a motorized one with 160 tanks. The Slovak Republic, which had become independent, sent its "fast division" and later two securing divisions. Croatia sent several "legions" in succession. Spain under Francisco Franco sent some 15,000 volunteers to the Eastern Front, who wore a blue scarf with their Wehrmacht uniform and fought as the Blue Division under Wehrmacht command.
From eight countries and regions a total of about 43,000 "foreign volunteers" came in 1941 to support the "European crusade against Bolshevism" and the "new racial order". Larger volunteer units gathered in France, Holland, and Belgium, and smaller ones from Scandinavian countries. They were either integrated into the Wehrmacht or wore the uniforms of the Waffen-SS.
Soviet defense preparation
The Communist leadership saw the Soviet Union as surrounded by a capitalist world hostile in principle and considered war with it inevitable. In February 1931, at the All-Union Conference for Industrial Officials, Stalin expressed, "We are 50 to 100 years behind the advanced countries. We must go the distance in ten years. Either we can manage it or we will be crushed." As a result, the Five-Year Plans have involved unusually high armaments efforts. These were achieved at the expense of living standards. By 1935, the Red Army had 10,180 tanks and 6,672 aircraft. Plans called for an inventory of 90,000 tanks and 15,000 aircraft. The Nazi seizure of power went far beyond the level of tension in which Soviet foreign policy was generally interested, as real possibilities for conflict were seen. The Comintern's main organ, the Rundschau über Politik, Wirtschaft und Arbeiterbewegung (Review of Politics, Economics, and the Workers' Movement), commented on the Westerplatte incident of March 6, 1933, as an "aggravation of the danger of war between Germany and Poland" and said that Danzig could one day become "the signal for the ignition of an imperialist war." On March 22, 1933, Pravda noted in an article "Where is Germany Headed?" that "The National Socialists have developed a foreign policy program against the existence of the USSR," and demanded that the German government state clearly where it was headed. At the XVII Party Congress of the CPSU in 1934, Nikolai Bukharin read out the passage from Mein Kampf where Hitler spoke of conquering the Soviet Union and commented:
"This is the enemy, comrades, that we are up against! He will face us in all the formidable battles that history imposes on us".
From 1934 onward, the Red Army's military strategy was based on forward defense: An attack was to be answered as soon as possible with offensive counterattacks in order to fight the battle on the enemy's territory and defeat him there. Germany with its allies Italy, Romania and Hungary were considered as possible main opponents in the west, which could deploy up to 300 divisions in case of war. In September 1940, the Soviet General Staff under Boris Mikhailovich Shaposhnikov quite realistically anticipated the course of the later two German lines of attack, attempts at encirclement, subsequent German advances on Moscow and Leningrad, and a war lasting several years, which would require sustained and broad mobilization.
After the German invasion of Poland, the Soviet Union began to establish the Molotov Line along the new border with the German Reich, replacing the Stalin Line, some 300 kilometers to the east, as the western line of defense. The mobilization plan, tailored for offensive defense and envisioning a strength of 7.85 million soldiers in the European and Caucasian military districts of the USSR, had to be reformed after the occupation of eastern Poland and the Winter War against Finland. A redraft by Semyon Konstantinovich Timoshenko and Kirill Afanasyevich Merezkov in September 1940 provided for a counteroffensive south of the Pripyat Marshes in the event of a German attack. Stalin put it into effect in October 1940, but ordered a concentration of troops in the Kiev area to counter a feared German advance to occupy Ukraine and the Caucasus. From February to May 1941, troop deployment, distribution, command structures, and supply lines of the western military districts were changed several more times. In the process, the previous strategy of an immediate broad counteroffensive was abandoned in March 1941; this was now to take place at most in some sections of the front and only after full mobilization and successful repulse of enemy advances. Beginning in May 1941, the Red Army drew together additional divisions from other parts of the country in the western military districts and distributed them along the entire western frontier. In doing so, it followed Stalin's directives of October 1940 and responded to the German troop buildup of which it was aware.
The preemptive war thesis that Hitler's attack was merely a preemptive response to a Soviet offensive has therefore been scientifically refuted. Rather, the Red Army's deployment was a reaction to German war preparations in the sense of the doctrine of forward defense. This was well known to the Wehrmacht leadership. The German "Abteilung Fremde Heere Ost" (Foreign Armies East Department) in the OKH, which meanwhile resumed the contractually forbidden German reconnaissance flights over Soviet territory, assessed the Soviet troop reinforcements unanimously and continuously from April to June 1941 as purely defensive. According to Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels, the OKH and the Nazi regime even regarded the Soviet troop concentration near the border as "the best thing [...] that can happen at all" because it facilitated the planned "push-through" and made possible "an easy prisoner haul."
Stalin and his generals assumed that the Red Army would not be ready to defend itself against the Wehrmacht before 1942, mainly because the generals and officers killed by the "purges" of 1936 to 1938 could not be replaced quickly enough by competent men. In Stalin's May 5, 1941, speech in the Kremlin to graduates of Soviet military academies, he declared, "We must pass from defense to the military policy of offensive action. We must rebuild our education, our propaganda, agitation, our press in the offensive spirit." He thus wanted to swear the Red Army's junior officers to the implementation of the offensive strategy in effect from October 1940, partly because he expected the Soviet Union to enter the war from 1942.
The Soviet military intelligence service GRU had informed Stalin for the first time on January 20, 1940, then on April 8 and June 28, as well as on September 4, 27, and 29, 1940, about possible German war intentions against the Soviet Union, and on December 29, 1940, also about Hitler's "Directive No. 21." The NKVD also reported six times between July 9 and November 6, 1940, on German troop movements to the eastern border of the Reich. In 1941, such reports became more frequent. Stalin had them all sent to him directly and without comment, but he did not consult them and thus reserved the right to select and interpret them in accordance with his policy. In early May 1941, Richard Sorge, an agent working in Japan, reported to the Soviet Union that the German attack was to begin with 150 divisions on June 20. But Stalin, who did not believe in a German surprise attack, would not take note of Hitler's obvious intention to attack until the war began. He judged all substantial warnings from circles of the German resistance as well as from the British and Soviet secret services as deliberate disinformation with which Great Britain was trying to draw him into the war against Germany. The flight of Hitler's deputy Rudolf Hess to Britain on May 10, 1941, on his own initiative to try to broker a peace between the two states, also contributed to this. The British, for their part, spread rumors that Hess might succeed in doing so in order to provoke the Soviet Union into ending its alliance with Germany or even into a preemptive strike. Stalin, however, thought it impossible that Hitler would start a two-front war until he had made peace with Britain. Until then, he wanted to wait and not be provoked. This misjudgment contributed significantly to the later initial successes of the Wehrmacht.
On May 15, 1941, the People's Commissar for Defense, Marshal Timoshenko of the Soviet Union, and the Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army, Army General Zhukov, presented Stalin with a plan for a preemptive strike against the German buildup. However, according to their concurring postwar statements, the latter strictly rejected the proposal and forbade them to take such action. Nevertheless, the Red Army strengthened its offensive deployment; whether it initiated a covert partial mobilization is judged differently by military historians. Stalin's order to do so is not documented.
On June 13, 1941, the Soviet leadership finally decided to hold 237 of 303 Soviet divisions with six million soldiers in four front sections near the border against an attack from the west. To this end, about one-third of the personnel and motor vehicles were to be brought in from the interior. In addition, the assumed inferiority of the air forces was to be compensated for by 100 new aviation regiments by the end of 1941. As a result of the constantly reformed plan, the full mobilization originally planned for the end of May 1941 was missed; once the war began, it could not be implemented as planned. The Molotov Line was not yet completed; 60 percent of the finished bunkers lacked armament and communications. Only 13 percent of the planned heavy tanks, 7 percent of the medium tanks, 67 percent of the combat aircraft, 65 percent of the antiaircraft guns, 50 to 75 percent of the communications equipment were ready for use when the war began. The defense squadrons could not reach their staging areas fast enough, so they were easily cut off from each other and from supplies. The Red Army General Staff had not planned for a German surprise attack before the target strength of its troops was reached, assuming early detection of enemy intentions and timely deployment orders from Stalin. The head of the Military Council of the Leningrad Military District, Andrei Alexandrovich Zhdanov, took a recuperative leave on June 21 for health reasons. Despite many warnings by defectors and diplomats, only Moscow's air defenses were initially brought to 75 percent combat readiness on June 21. On the night of June 21-22, after several hours of consultation with his generals, Stalin had troops in the border districts put on alert. In many places, however, the Soviet units were surprised by the German attack that immediately followed. Stalin, too, reacted with shock.
As a result of the German invasion, Stalin had the "Great Patriotic War" (Russian Вели́кая Оте́чественная война́, Velikaya otetschestwennaja wojna) proclaimed. The editorial of Pravda by Yemelyan Mikhailovich Yaroslavsky on June 23, 1941, was titled: "The Great Patriotic War of the Soviet People." Stalin himself called it "patriotic" in his first radio address after the war began on July 3, 1941, and again in a speech on November 6, 1941. Russian historiography had already called the Russian campaign of 1812 "Patriotic War". The term was also common in the Eastern bloc after 1945 and is still used today in Russia and other successor states of the Soviet Union. His volume On the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, published in Moscow in 1946 and containing speeches and orders by Stalin, aimed to portray the fighting as a "just patriotic people's and liberation war."